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When dozens of leftwing politicians lined up for a photo last week to mark the launch of a new alliance for France’s snap elections, there was one notable absence: populist far-left firebrand Jean-Luc Mélenchon.
上周,当数十名左翼政治家列队合影,庆祝法国提前大选成立的新联盟时,有一个明显的缺席者:民粹主义极左派旗手让-吕克•梅朗雄(Jean-Luc Mélenchon)。
By remaining in the shadows, Mélenchon — who has long been the left’s standard-bearer but divides leftist colleagues as much as he does the country — may have been trying to ensure the coalition’s unity.
梅朗雄长期以来一直是左翼的旗手,但他给左翼同僚造成的分裂不亚于他对整个国家所造成的,他位于幕后,可能是为了确保联盟的团结。
“This is the new generation of the left,” Raphaël Glucksmann, a centre-left EU lawmaker whose party is part of the new alliance, said approvingly when asked about the 72-year-old Mélenchon’s no-show.
“这是新一代的左派,”欧盟中左翼议员拉斐尔•格卢克斯曼(Raphaël Glucksmann)赞许地说道,他所在的政党是这个新联盟的一部分。当被问及72岁的让-吕克•梅朗雄为何没露面时,他这样回答。
But hours later on Friday, the leader of the far-left La France Insoumise (France Unbowed, or LFI) party, the largest member of the new alliance, reminded everybody that he remains a force to be reckoned with — and a tyrannical one at that.
但是在星期五的几个小时后,新联盟中最大的成员——极左翼的不屈法国(La France Insoumise)的领导人提醒大家,他仍然是一个不可忽视的力量,而且是一股专横的力量。
Mélenchon carried out a late-night purge, striking off senior colleagues who had previously criticised his extreme positions and inflammatory tirades from LFI’s list of candidates.
梅朗雄在深夜进行了一次大清洗,把以前批评他的极端立场和煽动性长篇大论的资深同事从不屈法国的候选人名单上除名。
“Candidacies for life do not exist,” Mélenchon said later, adding the “loyalty and political coherence” of his parliamentary group were essential.
梅朗雄后来说:“终身候选人是不存在的,”他补充说,他的议会党团的“忠诚和政治一致性”至关重要。
Friday’s purge was an extraordinarily provocative step, coming on the very day the leftwing parties formally launched the New Popular Front, invoking the unity spirit of the original one under Léon Blum in 1936, when the left came together to thwart a far-right takeover of France. Several of those excluded by Mélenchon had been strong proponents of such an alliance.
周五的清洗是一个极具挑衅性的举动,就在同一天,左翼政党正式成立了新人民阵线,唤起了1936年莱昂•布卢姆领导下的最初人民阵线的团结精神,当时左翼政党团结一致,挫败了极右翼势力对法国的接管。被梅朗雄排除在外的人中有几位曾是这一联盟的坚定支持者。
Their ousting triggered a furious backlash from LFI figures, with several denouncing Mélenchon’s autocratic manner.
他们的被驱逐引发了不屈法国人士的愤怒反击,其中一些人谴责梅朗雄的专断方式。
“The leadership of France Insoumise, far from rising to the occasion, is stooping to the worst schemes,” François Ruffin, a dissident LFI MP wrote on social media site X. “Let’s not kid ourselves: you cannot, for country, aspire to peace and democracy, and for party, a reign of fear and brutality.”
持不同政见的自由党议员弗朗索瓦•鲁芬(franois Ruffin)在社交媒体网站X上写道,“不屈法国的领导层非但没有奋起应对,反而陷入最糟糕的阴谋。我们不要自欺欺人了:你不可能面对国家渴望和平与民主,而面对政党又实行恐惧和残暴的统治。”
The NPF — inspired by a determination to beat Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National — is a critical development in the run-up to the elections on June 30 and July 7. It could make it much harder for candidates for President Emmanuel Macron’s centrist alliance to qualify for second round run-offs.
新人民阵线是6月30日和7月7日选举前夕的一个关键进展,该党的成立来自击败玛丽娜•勒庞(Marine Le Pen)领导的国民联盟(Rassemblement National)的决心。这可能会使总统埃马纽埃尔•马克龙(Emmanuel Macron)的中间派联盟的候选人更难进入第二轮决选。
But the success of the pact could hinge on how Mélenchon behaves during the campaign, including whether he will lay claim to the role of prime minister, a troubling prospect for the other leftwing parties and many voters.
但该协议的成功与否可能取决于梅朗雄在竞选期间的表现,包括他是否会要求担任总理,这对其他左翼政党和许多选民来说是一个令人不安的前景。
A former Trotskyist who served as a junior education minister in a socialist government from 2000-2 before turning to the Eurosceptic hard left, Mélenchon has long had a reputation as a political bruiser with a volcanic temper.
梅朗雄曾是托洛茨基主义者,2000-2002年在社会主义政府中担任初级教育部长,之后转而投向怀疑欧洲的强硬左派,长期以来一直以脾气暴躁的政治斗士著称。
In one infamous moment in 2018, he angrily confronted an investigator who came to search his offices during a campaign funding probe, screaming into the man’s face: “La République, c’est moi!”, the equivalent of “I am the law!”
在2018年的一次臭名昭著的事件中,他愤怒地与一名在竞选资金调查期间前来搜查他办公室的调查员对峙,对着那人的脸大喊大叫: “La République, c’est moi!”,相当于“我就是法律!”
Although Mélenchon has a committed far-left following, some demonstrators marching against the far right in Paris on Saturday saw him as a liability.
虽然梅朗雄拥有一批坚定的极左派追随者,但周六在巴黎举行的反对极右派游行中,一些示威者认为他是个累赘。
“The goal is to stop the division of France, and Mélenchon divides it, unfortunately,” said Alex Assouad, a 23-year-old from the Paris region.
来自巴黎大区的23岁青年亚历克斯•阿苏阿德(Alex Assouad)说:“我们的目标是阻止法国分裂,不幸的是,梅朗雄分裂了法国。”
“He has the right ideas but the wrong method,” said Kevin Bartoume, 38, an IT engineer from the capital’s suburbs.
“他的想法是对的,但方法是错的,”38岁的凯文•巴图姆(Kevin Bartoume)说,他是一名IT工程师,来自首都郊区。
A gifted orator and debater, Mélenchon is the most successful recent vote-winner for the left. He won 22 per cent in the first round of the 2022 presidential election, coming third, just behind Le Pen.
梅朗雄是一位才华横溢的演说家和辩论家,是左翼近期最成功的得票者。他在2022年第一轮总统选举中赢得了22%的选票,排名第三,仅次于勒庞。
That success, way ahead of the Socialist candidate’s 1.8 per cent, gave him and LFI the upper hand among leftist parties when they went on to form an alliance known as Nupes that lasted just over a year.
这一成功远远超过了社会党候选人1.8%的得票率,使他和不屈法国在左派政党中占据了上风,他们随后组成了一个名为“生态和社会人民新联盟”的联盟,该联盟只持续了一年多。
“He is a key figure, someone who has proved himself in the most challenging election in the French system, the presidential election,” said Bruno Cautrès, researcher at Sciences Po university. “He gave the left a future with the creation of Nupes, but in the end he was not able to manage the different people and temperaments within it.”
巴黎政治学院研究员布鲁诺•考特雷斯(Bruno Cautrès)说:“他是一个关键人物,他在法国制度中最具挑战性的选举,总统选举中证明了自己。他创建了生态和社会人民新联盟,给左翼带来了未来,但最终他没能管理好左翼内部不同的人和脾气"。
The first episode to fracture the Nupes was Mélenchon’s support for Adrien Quatennens, a close lieutenant, despite his admission that he had hit his wife. There were also fights over Mélenchon’s lukewarm support for Ukraine after Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022.
导致生态和社会人民新联盟分裂的第一个事件是梅朗雄支持亲信阿德里安•夸特南斯(Adrien Quatennens),尽管后者承认自己打过妻子。2022年2月俄罗斯全面入侵乌克兰后,梅朗雄对乌克兰的支持冷淡,这也引发了争吵。
The final breakdown came last year over Mélenchon’s refusal to condemn the October 7 attack on Israel by Hamas and downplaying of antisemitic incidents, stances that reflected both his revolutionary zeal and strategy of rallying Muslim voters.
最终的分裂是在去年,梅朗雄拒绝谴责哈马斯10月7日对以色列的袭击,并淡化反犹太事件,这反映了他的革命热情和拉拢穆斯林选民的策略。
Meanwhile, sloppily dressed LFI MPs hurling abuse at opponents have disrupted the National Assembly. Their conduct has lent weight to critics’ claims that Mélenchon, who guides his troops from outside the chamber, is a demagogue not committed to parliamentary democracy.
与此同时,衣着邋遢、辱骂反对者的不屈法国议员扰乱了国民议会。批评者认为,梅朗雄在议会外指挥他的部队,是一个不致力于议会民主的煽动者。
The MPs’ approach also contrasted with Le Pen’s attempts to present the RN as a responsible party of government, epitomised by her so-called “necktie strategy”, an instruction to her MPs to dress smartly.
其议员们的做法也与勒庞试图将国民阵线塑造成一个负责任的政府党派形成鲜明对比,她所谓的“领带战略”就是一个缩影,该战略指示她的议员们着装得体。
“We have certainly seen the normalisation of Marine Le Pen since 2022,” said Cautrès. “Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s strategy meanwhile has been to take a much more radical stance.”
考特雷斯说:“自2022年以来,我们确实看到了玛丽娜•勒庞的正常化。与此同时,让-吕克•梅朗雄的策略则是采取更为激进的立场。”
The public sees Mélenchon as a more polarising, less professional and less presidential than his far-right rival, according to an Ifop poll last year.
根据Ifop去年的一项民意调查,公众认为梅朗雄比他的极右翼对手更两极分化、更不专业、更缺乏总统风范。
With LFI’s support shrinking to 10 per cent in European parliament elections on June 9 and the centre-left party led by Glucksmann winning 14 per cent, the power balance has shifted.
在6月9日的欧洲议会选举中,不屈法国的支持率缩水至10%,而格卢克斯曼领导的中左翼政党赢得了14%的支持率,权力平衡发生了变化。
Under the terms of their new alliance, the centre-left will contest 100 more seats than at elections two years ago, although LFI is still running the most candidates of the NPF members.
根据他们新的联盟条款,中左翼将争取比两年前选举时多100个席位,尽管不屈法国仍然是新人民阵线成员中候选人最多的。
The far left has made policy concessions. The NPF has adopted a radical programme with vast spending commitments, but LFI’s policy of reducing the pension age to 60 at a cost of €71.5bn a year is listed only as a “goal”. The NPF also committed to supporting Ukraine and denounced the Hamas attack on Israel as terrorism.
极左派在政策上做出了让步。新人民阵线通过了一项激进的计划,承诺大量开支,但不屈法国将养老金领取年龄降至60岁、每年耗资715亿欧元的政策仅被列为“目标”。新人民阵线还承诺支持乌克兰,并谴责哈马斯对以色列的袭击是恐怖主义行为。
Even Mélenchon’s allies say a more consensual approach is needed to maintain unity.
就连梅朗雄的盟友也表示,要保持团结,需要采取更加协商一致的方式。
“The campaign will undoubtedly be all the more collective,” said Manon Aubry, who leads LFI in the European parliament. She said the party would “propose not impose” its choice of prime minister if the left won.
不屈法国在欧洲议会的领导人马农•奥布里(Manon Aubry)表示:“这场竞选无疑将更加集体性。”她说,如果左翼获胜,该党将“建议而非强制”其总理人选。
Mélenchon himself signalled a partial retreat on Sunday, when his protégé Quatennens withdrew his candidacy. “I don’t want to be a problem. All our efforts must be for the victory of the NPF,” the party leader told France 3 television.
梅朗雄本人在周日也发出了部分退缩的信号,他的门徒夸特南斯退出了竞选。该党领导人在接受 France 3电视台采访时表示:“我不想成为一个问题。我们所有的努力都必须是为了新人民阵线的胜利。
Philippe Marlière, professor of French politics at University College London, said it was “very clear that his party now understands that if the New Popular Front is to be successful and remain united during this campaign, Mélenchon should keep quiet and that’s a complete difference with 2022.”
伦敦大学学院法国政治学教授菲利普•马里埃尔(Philippe Marlière)说:“非常明显的是,他的政党现在明白,如果新人民阵线要在这次竞选中取得成功并保持团结,梅朗雄就应该保持沉默,这与2022年的情况完全不同。”
Additional reporting by Leila Abboud in Paris
Leila Abboud巴黎补充报道